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st1\\:*{behavior:url(#ieooui) } <![endif]–> A Study by NTTP I Peace Unit
Current Situation of Terai/Madhesh
Incidents/Events and Suggestions
o Chandra Mani Gautam
o Ram Udgar Yadav
Background
Terai-Madhesh, where 48% of the total population in 17% of the total area of Nepal, live in 20 districts. The Madhesh movement held in 2007 is said to be the strongest movement to have taken place after Peoples\’ Movement of 2006, as the identity based movement for democratic Federalism had claimed 54 lives of Madhesi Nepali citizens. After an unprecedented uprising of the Terai people immediately after promulgation of current Interim Constitution, Madhesh agendas regarding Federalism, equal rights, electoral system, citizenship, language and so on, occupied the center-stage of the nation. Current Interim Constitution for the first time was amended in order to enshrine federalism within some 2 months of promulgation. Right after the 20 day long Madhesh Movement, Tharu Movement seeking for their distinct identity and separate state, also took place on the very Terai land. The spontaneous movement after centuries long suppression and suffocation of Madheshi[1]people eventually have been recognized by all parties and endorsed in all state documents as the national movement as well.
4, among of the Terai-centric parties have achieved 14 seats in Constituent Assembly (CA) by direct election (FPTP) amid of 116 constituencies of Terai, whereas the numerical strength was 41 in the previous CA. Through Proportional Representation (PR) election, Terai centric parties\’ presence is with 110 members, but on the contrary the number in previous CA was 141 so far. 6 Terai centric parties have their presence in the CA, but diminished size in comparison with previous CA. Almost eminent leaders of all major political parties have been elected for CA member from the constituencies situated in the Terai.
Latest activities: Coalition and Polarization
Although there are 6 armed groups unwilling to come into peaceful national mainstream but inactive rebellions, thus Terai-Madhesh in these days seems comparatively peaceful; no any conflict or serious upheaval happening in the society. But on the other side, secessionist element in the name \’Swatantra Madhesh Gathbandhan\’ (Independent Madhesh Alliance) attempting an insurrection in Terai-Madhesh. Currently the so called alliance has taken 4 point decision i.e.- 1. Rapid expansion of the organization, intensifying publicity and dissemination, 2. Preparation of defense movement against state, 3. Participation and support to the ongoing Social Movement i.e. Save the Daughter -a]6L arffcf] cfGbf]ng_, Sugarcane farmers etc, and 4. Expose campaign against submissive role of some Terai centric Parties as they are blamed to have relinquished the Madhsesh issue over lust for power.
In spite of vast differences among Terai-centric Parties, like-minded Political groups are being nearer for unification or coalition or alliance with an aim at self strengthening; Upendra Yadav led MJFN and Ashok Rai led (non-Maheshi) Sanghiya Samajwadi Party, Anil Jha led Sanghiya Sadbhawana Party and Sarita Giri led Nepal Sadbhawana Party are some examples.
At the higher political echelon there is dispute and vast differences not only among political parties, diverged perception within \’Madheshi Morcha\’ can obviously be perceived. Upendra Yadav led MJFN and Rajendra Mahato led Sadbhawana Party are all-out against dialogue and negotiation. They are rather hopeful on the movement in order to obtain desirable outcome. Chairperson Yadav is in favour of \’One Madhesh Single province\’ whereas others consider it as a futile attempt. CA Member Sarvendra nath Shukla, the General Secretary of Terai-Madhesh Democratic Party (TMDP) says in an interview, \”We believe that state restructuring should be done in such a way as to eliminate discrimination. Let geography not be another avenue for discrimination in the future. At the beginning we demanded \’\’one Madhesh one Pradesh\’\’ but it has been two years since we gave up that demand. There is now a proposal for three provinces in Madhesh. This too can be a way of the current impasse if it satisfies the needs of the people. The Morcha is not obstinate in any of its stances.\”[2]
Other Parties are hopeful about a result oriented dialogue with ruling Parties. Whoever are against compromise, the common mood and trend indicates, ultimately they too are expected to come for dialogue and negotiation rather than uncertain street movement As noted analyst from Madheshi society Chandra Kishor writes, \”Madhesh has sought the centrist way for self empowerment. Madhesh has wanted the structural advantage of democracy by means of peaceful manner. ….Madheshi politics from now on, not only for Madhesh sake, but ought to be targeted in representation, management and service deliver to cherish of entire Nepal. Therefore, it must be written now in every walls of Madhesh, \’Not only Madhesh but needed whole Nepal, needed the greater one but not a small.\’[3]
Then what is the root cause of existing deadlock ? Minister and leader of Nepali Congress (NC) Bimalendra Nidhi says, \”The deadlock concerns over province. UCPNM including other opponents have not so much dissented from the proposal of seven provinces presented by NC and CPN (UML). Differences became so vast only over the question of the provincial position of 5 districts in east and far-west Terai…..Five provinces in the Hilly region and 5 in Terai-Madhesh should be delineated, when the entire country would be divided into 10 provinces. If settlement takes place for 7 provinces 3 provinces can be made in Terai. 5-2 ratio also would be OK. …. In case provinces are formed within Terai and purported comments of being separated from Hill is nothing but a narrow-mindedness\”[4]
Prospect of New Movement
\’Madhesh\’ symbolically a synonym of \’suffering injustice\’ rather than a \’problem\’. Possibilities of another Madhesh Movement cannot be ignored whenever the injustice as the conflict ingredients exists. Economist Dr Govinda Bahdur Thapa writes, \”Extreme discrimination, exploitation and oppression are rampantly existing in Madhesh. But such tyranny are inflicted more from large landowners, Feudal and elites of Madhesh than the state level.\”[5]
All Terai-centric Parties do show earnest desire through their expression for a new Movement so that the political setback resultantly undergone from the last election be compensated, but only in such a condition if Movement\’s outcome should be the only owner.
Analyzing about the citizenship problem in Terai-Madhesh to have been still alive, a research by Uddhav Sigdel has such findings: More than 46.86% Madheshi Dalits respondents told that they had to endure intimidations and threats imposed by so-called \’high caste\’…. It seems civil rights couldn\’t be attained unless the civil rights movement would be conducted by themselves….Political struggle can rip off structural hindrances and paves the way in the communities for the sake of an utmost change.\”[6]
Existence of countless youths to drive up the movement, failure of law and order from controlling the racial discrimination, widespread various rigid traditions, superstitions are precondition for new movement that may trigger. A widely heard complain come from movement-minded new generation is noteworthy, \”Madhesh based parties marketed the Madheshi agenda much, but the outcome or achievement did not reach to the Madheshi people level\”
Latest Development
The Supreme Court in accordance with article 154 of the Interim Constitution 2007, recently issued a mandamus order to the government to form an independent National Terai-Madhesh Commission for addressing issues like inclusion, empowerment, equality/equity of the people living in the region. No such body was formed before for this purpose.
\”The order has been issued as per the constitution\’s spirit of empowering the people of marginalized communities and disadvantaged groups through the provision of the positive discrimination\” SC source explained rationale behind the order. Article 154 of the constitution has provision as to the government may form necessary commissions to safeguard and promote the rights and interests of different sectors of the country including women, Dalits, indigenous ethnic groups, Madhesis, disabled, labourers or farmers.
Some Recommendations
1. All official agreements or legal provisions made with Terai-centric Parties should be implemented equally by both sides of signatories.
2. Impractical and impossible notion like \’One Madhesh Single Province\’ or single identity based state structure should be given up for a better outcome. An Expert on Federal model Dr. Nicole Topperwien\’s arguments in this regard relevant to recall \”….In order to reframe the debate on federalism, there should not be any discussions on the numbers, boundaries and names of the federal unit. First the major issues of the federalism should be addressed like how to make one\’s life easy irrespective of where s/he lives. Ensuring free movement between the units, good representatives at the center, accessible local government, ensuring political rights, and cooperation to those in the minority makes the boundaries less scary and boundaries will be less like the wall….A federal unit should not have a population of more than 50% of the same group, this will lead to conflict because one group will then be stronger than the other one.\”[7]
3. The existing problems in Terai-Madhesh are not only political, whereas multifaceted problems i.e. social, economic, cultural and lingual aspects. These are to be addressed accordingly.
4. Terai centric Parties are sole responsible to play the change agent for their respective constituent societies. They are game-changer too. But Voters have an enduring question remain unanswered; Leaders of Terai-centric parties advocate for Madheshi Unity but why they formed so many parties for common goal ? Why they do frequently split at the cost of Madheshi Unity ? For the previous CA, only 3 Madheshi Parties had contested the election, but there were 34 Madheshi Parties in the last election. They are responsible for weakening the Madheshi agenda.
5. Budget allotment to the districts of Terai-Madhesh should be on the basis of population, its density and Human Development Index (HDI), instead of geographical unit basis. According to the HDI-2014, Rautahat and Mahottari districts for example are enlisted in 10 most backward districts of Nepal.
6. Solve the citizenship problem and eliminate the statelessness of the citizens.
7. The National Terai-Madhesh Commission should have the responsibility to create an environment for coexistence, social understanding, inter-communal harmony and everlasting peace; so that anti-social element may not rear the ugly head and jeopardize.
8. Election of Local Bodies can mitigate various anomalies and problems, clutching common people.
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[1] For the first time, the much-talked book entitled Nepal Strategy for Survival (published in January 1, 1971) authored by Leo E. Rose analyzed about Terai and its people, \”In the mid-19th century and thereafter, another wave of Hindu and Muslim migrants from the adjoining area of India entered the Terai area of Nepal, where today, along with such indigenous communities as the Tharus, they form the bulk of the population\” (p. 7).
[2] The Kathmandu Post Feb 9, 2015
[3] Much appreciated of his article entitled \’Madhesh nahin Nepal chahiye\’; Kantipur Nepali daily March 5, 2015
[5] Article entitled \’Federalism, Madhesh and Land Reform\’, Kantipur Nepali daily, February 24, 2015
[7]NTTP Youth Group Interaction with Dr. Topperwien from Switzerland on framing discourse on federalism, February 5, 2014
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